The Tamil National Alliance (TNA) faces a critical juncture as M.A. Sumanthiran, a prominent Member of Parliament, urges Rajavarothiam Sampanthan, the once-admired leader of the TNA, now encumbered by health constraints, to retire from his parliamentary duties. This recommendation is noteworthy, given that Sumanthiran is not only a key figure within the alliance but also a known protégé of Sampanthan, often seen as his loyal supporter.
Sumanthiran’s call for the 90-year-old leader to step down reflects the gravity of the current situation. Sampanthan, facing numerous health and physical challenges, has struggled with limited mobility, inconsistent attendance in Parliament, and diminishing sensory capacities. These concerns highlight the need for a transition to ensure adequate representation for the Tamil community.
Trincomalee, the district represented by Sampanthan, is a melting pot of Tamil, Sinhalese, and Muslim communities, contrasting with predominantly Tamil regions like Jaffna. This diverse demographic makes the role of a dynamic Tamil representative even more crucial, especially in light of ongoing land encroachments and tensions from Buddhist Sinhalese fundamentalist groups. Sampanthan’s limited participation in key meetings and fieldwork has led to a perceived vacuum in advocacy and oversight, prompting calls for more vigorous representation.
Residents and local members of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi in Trincomalee have expressed a strong desire for change. This sentiment was echoed in a significant meeting of the party last year, where a faction demanded Sampanthan’s resignation. Although a committee led by Mavai Senathirajah was formed to address this issue, Sampanthan’s subsequent refusal to resign, citing his election despite known physical limitations, temporarily quelled the debate.
However, dissatisfaction persists among constituents who feel their needs need to be actively addressed. Sumanthiran, typically reticent about Sampanthan’s capacity to fulfil his duties, recently broke his silence. During a televised debate, the host raised concerns about the resources allocated to a parliamentarian unable to regularly attend sessions, hinting at potential misuse. Sampanthan’s response to these comments further fueled the controversy.
Following Sumanthiran’s public stance, internal party critics rallied around Sampanthan, painting Sumanthiran as disloyal. It’s notable that Sumanthiran, initially reluctant to enter politics, did so at Sampanthan’s behest and is widely regarded as his mentee. Despite this, there has been no significant backlash against Sumanthiran from Trincomalee’s residents or the local party branch, suggesting alignment with his views.
Had Sumanthiran supported Sampanthan’s continuation in office, especially given Trincomalee’s sensitive sociopolitical environment, it could have been seen as neglecting the urgent need for active representation.
Such a stance might have led to criticism of both leaders, potentially framing them as indifferent to the
constituents’ needs.
This unfolding scenario within the TNA, marked by Sumanthiran’s challenge to Sampanthan’s tenure, represents not only a pivotal moment in Sri Lankan Tamil politics but also a test of leadership and responsiveness to the evolving needs of a diverse and complex constituency.
Sampanthan’s Personal Plea Postpones TNA-Modi Meeting
In December 2021, the Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government arranged a meeting with the parliamentarians of the TNA. Sampanthan, citing personal reasons, requested the Indian government to delay this meeting. Since then, almost two years have passed, and the rescheduled meeting has yet to take place, leading to speculation about the missed opportunities that the original meeting could have potentially offered for the Tamil community.
Mavai’s Cunning Strategy
Insider accounts reveal that Sampanthan was initially reluctant to contest in the last general election, recognizing the limitations brought on by his advanced age and health concerns. He had even taken steps to pave the way for a successor, nominally endorsing Kugathasan as the next parliamentary representative for Trincomalee and passing on the reins of the party branch to him. However, internal party deliberations around candidate selection brought complications. Mavai Senathiraja, the Leader of the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Kachchi, insisted on Sampanthan’s participation as a direct candidate. Mavai’s stance was influenced by concerns over his own electoral prospects; he feared that if Sampanthan set a precedent by stepping down due to age, he might face similar pressures to withdraw from his contest in Jaffna.
Furthermore, should Sampanthan opt out of a direct competition yet secure a seat through the national list, it would jeopardize Mavai’s chances of obtaining a national list MP seat. Driven by these political calculations, Mavai was convinced that encouraging Sampanthan to run was indispensable for his own
re-election bid. Consequently, despite Sampanthan’s initial disinclination to vie for the seat, he was propelled to stand as the primary candidate in the Trincomalee district.
Unkept Commitments: Sampanthan and the National List Seat
Insiders report that Sampanthan, back in 2020, had announced to his party’s central committee and the district offices in his constituency that he would not contest in the 2020 general elections. Yet, upon insistence from his colleagues, he agreed to run on two conditions: one, that he would serve only for a year before resigning to allow a younger party member to take over, and two, that a specific individual from Trincomalee would be given the national list nomination, contingent on the party’s vote share. To this day, these terms still need to be met. The TNA secured a single national list MP seat, which went to a member from Ampara instead of Trincomalee. Moreover, Sampanthan has yet to adhere to his initial commitment of stepping down after a year for a younger successor.
Sampanthan’s Extended Use of State House and Cars Sparks Controversy
Mr. Sampanthan and his relatives continue to reside in the accommodation provided to him during his service as the Opposition Leader from 2015 to 2019. His extended stay in the government residence raises concerns about the potential misuse of the entitlements and advantages afforded to high ranking officials.
The annual cost of utilities and maintenance for the house, which runs into hundreds of thousands of rupees, is a financial burden on the taxpayers. Moreover, according to civil service insiders, the two
vehicles allotted for his official use as Opposition Leader are reportedly still being used for personal
and familial purposes.
Sampanthan’s Leadership Falters as TNA Fragments
Sampanthan’s tenure as Leader was marked by his inability to maintain solidarity within the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), as critical groups such as the Ceylon Tamil Congress (CTC) and the Eelam People’s Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF), as well as prominent figures like Mr C.V. Wigneswaran, distanced
themselves. The subsequent formation of the Democratic TNA (dTNA) has effectively isolated ITAK and underscored Mr. Sampanthan’s ineffective leadership. This has not only weakened the TNA’s political front but also signalled a missed opportunity to advance the Tamil cause under his stewardship.
Sampanthan’s Oversight: Tamil Demands and Yahapalana Disappointments
Sampanthan has faced significant criticism both locally and internationally for his performance as the Leader of the Opposition. He is charged with failing to address or influence any substantial national matters affecting all communities. There were allegations that he was overly accommodating to the then-governing Yahapalana coalition rather than asserting the interests of his constituents.
Despite playing a pivotal role in orchestrating a united front of opposition parties that led to the ousting of the formidable President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2015, Sampanthan did not manage to secure a resolution for Tamil demands from the succeeding Yahapalana government. In retrospect, he may recognize the missed opportunity for more robust negotiations, such as leveraging the threat of toppling the government by opposing critical measures, like the budget, to fulfil his party’s objectives. His reserved stance ultimately led to the Tamil community receiving little to no concessions. This perceived strategic and tactical deficit was starkly highlighted four years on, resulting in the TNA facing a significant backlash from the Tamil electorate in the 2020 elections.
Secret Ballot, Open Comedy
The TNA’s pledge of unity under Mr Sampanthan’s leadership took a comedic turn in the secret ballot for
the president. Despite a public declaration to back Dullas Alahapperuma, some TNA parliamentarians played a game of political ‘Guess Who?’, casting votes for the then-Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe instead. Wickremesinghe, in a moment of presidential banter during his first meeting with the TNA, quipped, “I know some of you voted for me.” The TNA’s internal coherence has since seemed like a political sitcom, unravelling even further for all to see.
Judgment in Jeopardy
Critics often point out Mr. Sampanthan’s questionable discernment in people, highlighting his controversial
decision to nominate the former Supreme Court Judge C.V. Wigneswaran for Chief Minister of the Northern Provincial Council, despite significant internal resistance from the TNA. This move proved to be detrimental, affecting not just the functioning of the Provincial Council but also tarnishing the TNA’s
image and standing both within the local community and beyond.
