Modi’s Third Term: From Solo Act to Needing Backup Singers

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has assumed office for a third consecutive term, a rare achievement in independent India, previously accomplished only by the country's first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. However, Modi's political muscles aren't as flexed as they were in 2014 and 2019.

Arul
9 Min Read

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has assumed office for a third consecutive term, a rare achievement in independent India, previously accomplished only by the country’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. However, Modi’s political muscles aren’t as flexed as they were in 2014 and 2019.

Back in 2014, the BJP secured 282 seats, and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition, a merry band of center-right and right-wing political parties led by the BJP, won a total of 336 seats. In 2019, they leveled up, with the BJP winning 303 seats and the NDA securing 353 seats.

This time, though, it’s a bit more like a game of political Twister, with fewer solid footings and more balancing acts. In the 2024 elections, the BJP secured only 240 seats, and the NDA coalition achieved a slim majority with 293 seats. Despite this decline, Modi’s continuation marks a significant milestone in Indian politics, becoming India’s second Prime Minister to serve three consecutive terms.

Modi led a 72-member Union Council of Ministers into office at a grand swearing-in ceremony at Rashtrapati Bhavan, complete with all the pomp and circumstance. This new cabinet, a lively mix of seasoned veterans and fresh faces, is geared up to tackle the challenges ahead and drive India toward progress.

However, nearly 20 of them hail from political families, proving that dynastic politics is not just a Congress tradition. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi couldn’t resist taking a jab at the Modi government, dubbing the NDA ministry a “Parivar Mandal” (family club), adding a splash of humor to the political theater.

PM Modi’s cabinet features prominent BJP leaders such as Rajnath Singh, Amit Shah, Nitin Gadkari, and JP Nadda. Notably, with JP Nadda, the current BJP president, returning to the cabinet, it signals that the party might soon appoint a new president, in line with its “one man, one post” policy. The cabinet also includes Nirmala Sitharaman and S. Jaishankar—two Tamils—who continue to handle the crucial ministries of Finance and External Affairs, respectively, just as they did in the previous Modi regime. The irony, however, is that both rarely identify themselves as Tamils. Tamil Nadu might be scratching its head, wondering, “Are they really one of us?”

Additionally, Tamil Nadu has representation in the form of L. Murugan, the Dalit face of the Tamil Nadu BJP. Despite losing his seat in Nilgiris to DMK heavyweight A. Raja, Murugan was sworn in as Minister of State in the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting of India. He previously served as MOS in the last Modi administration as well.

The Council of Ministers includes 30 Cabinet Ministers, five Ministers of State with Independent Charge, and 36 Ministers of State. Notably, seven former chief ministers have been sworn into the new council, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, who previously served as the Chief Minister of Gujarat. The other former C.M.s are Shivraj Singh Chouhan (Madhya Pradesh), Rajnath Singh (Uttar Pradesh), Manohar Lal Khattar (Haryana), Sarbananda Sonowal (Assam), H.D. Kumaraswamy (Karnataka), and Jitan Ram Manjhi (Bihar). Additionally, actor-turned-politician Suresh Gopi, the BJP’s first Lok Sabha MP from Kerala, has been appointed Minister of State for Tourism.

Significant representation has been given to key states like Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, with Bihar securing four cabinet berths and Uttar Pradesh receiving nine ministerial positions. The cabinet also reflects a diverse composition, with 42 ministers hailing from the Other Backward Class (OBC), Scheduled Caste (S.C.), and Scheduled Tribe (S.T.) communities. However, it is notable that there is no Muslim representation in the new ministry, with not a single Muslim included among the 71 ministers.

“This team of ministers is a great blend of youth and experience; we will leave no stone unturned in improving people’s lives. I look forward to serving 140 crore Indians and working with the Council of Ministers to take India to new heights of progress,” PM Modi said in a post on X after the ceremony.

Shifting Political Landscape

With all of India’s 640 million votes counted after a six-week-long election, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), along with its National Democratic Alliance (NDA), has secured a majority, albeit with a notable reduction in their seat tally compared to the 2019 elections.

In contrast, the opposition INDIA alliance, spearheaded by Rahul Gandhi’s Indian National Congress (INC), made remarkable gains, securing 232 seats. The Congress party itself saw a significant increase, winning 99 seats compared to just 52 in 2019.

Key States and Shifting Loyalties

Uttar Pradesh (UP), India’s most populous state, has always been a crucial battleground. In 2019, the NDA won 64 of UP’s 80 seats, with the BJP taking 62. However, in 2024, the INDIA alliance made significant inroads. The Samajwadi Party (S.P.) won 37 seats, and the Congress took six, totaling 43 seats for the opposition. The BJP managed to win only 33 seats, with its allies securing three more.

A stunning loss for the BJP occurred in the Faizabad constituency, home to the Ram temple in Ayodhya, a cornerstone of the BJP’s Hindutva campaign. Despite Modi consecrating the temple in January, the BJP lost this symbolic seat. Post-election videos reveal widespread public resentment as the BJP-ruled state government in Uttar Pradesh demolished hundreds of houses and shops to create a grand pathway to the temple. This heavy-handed approach sparked a significant backlash against the ruling government at both the state and central levels. When we contacted a few Delhi BJP leaders, they candidly admitted that, with the consecration of the Ram temple, every BJP leader in UP thought they were going to have a cakewalk in the election. However, the shrewd Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav had other plans.

While Ayodhya voters support the Ram temple, they prioritized their basic needs when faced with the choice between Ram, Food, and shelter. As a saying in the Hindi heartlands goes: “Pehle bhojan, phir aashray, aur phir mandir.” (“Food first, shelter second, and temple third.”) Clearly, the voters took this seriously.

In Maharashtra, another key state, the BJP and its allies suffered significant losses. The INDIA alliance, which includes the Congress and splinter groups of Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), won 30 of the state’s 48 seats, with the Congress alone winning 13. The BJP secured only nine seats.

Historical Context and Political Evolution

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s BJP and its right-wing predecessors have risen from political obscurity to dominate India’s parliament. The BJP first came to power with a coalition government for just 13 days in 1996, subsequently ruling from 1998 to 2004. After a surprise loss to a Congress-led coalition in 2004, the Congress governed until 2014 under Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. However, from 2014 onward, it has been Modi’s era, with him enjoying immense public trust and being seen as an unbeatable leader.

However, this election has shown a shift, as the BJP did not secure a single-party majority and now relies heavily on its allies. Despite this, in Indian politics, anything can happen. The BJP could still emerge as the single largest party by… let’s just say, “convincing” a few M.P.s from other parties to switch sides or by sending a few friendly visits from the CBI and other investigating agencies to targeted M.P.s—a tactic they seem to have perfected with a wink and a nudge.

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